Armies of the East India Company 1750-1850 by Stuart Reid

By Stuart Reid

Opposite to well known trust, the trap of India was once no longer complete by means of the British military, yet by means of the non-public armies of the East India corporation, whose basic goal was once the security in their buying and selling empire. lower than the management of the mythical Robert Clive (founder of the East India corporation) and Stringer Lawrence, this small strength of mercenaries and adventurers grew in measurement and power to ultimately turn into a military higher than that of any eu sovereign country. hugely disciplined undefined, it fought virtually constantly for a century till the good Mutiny of 1857 resulted in its disbandment and its troops handed into Crown carrier. one of many many British military officials who fought with this strength was once Arthur Wellesley, the longer term Duke of Wellington. this can be the interesting background of the East India corporation military, analyzing the various conflicts during which they fought, and their gear and coaching, with its regiments of horse, foot and weapons, which rivalled these of such a lot eu powers. The unique uniforms combining conventional Indian and British costume are illustrated intimately and make for a perfectly colourful account of a personal band of adventurers that effectively captured the jewel of the British Empire.

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In its discussion of the Peace Garden’s programmes and analysis of tales on the war created by the children (published as Blood of the Mango and Other Tales [1997, 1999] and Cuckoo in the Jam and Other War Zone Fairy Tales [2001]), the chapter draws on work within cultural studies that argues for a de-pathologizing of the states of mourning and melancholia that many of the Garden’s children experience. Mourning and melancholia are deployed, rather, as useful analytical categories which establish a continuing ‘dialogue with loss and its remains’ in a manner that refutes the past as stasis, foregrounds the social bases of these attachments, and their ‘creative, unpredictable, political aspects’ (Eng and Kazanjian 2003: 1–3).

How do advertisements mediate militarism and war as products, and what are the modalities it relies on for this purpose? What is extracted from features and institutions of the military and abstracted in this process? What discourses, encompassing statements, practices, rules and regulations that produce knowledge about the military do they draw from? How are these discourses reconfigured for today’s consumers; what are the contexts, both material and aesthetic, in which these re-configurations take place; and, importantly, what social relations do they advance?

At the same time, a climate of self-censorship prevails in an atmosphere of fear and militarized violence. 27 Women have also taken advantage of the military economy in various ways. During the war, a thriving sex industry operated in the north-central city of Anuradhapura, the site of a major transit camp for Sri Lanka army CONSTITUTING MARTIAL VIRTUE 41 soldiers either going to or returning from the battlefields of the north. It is estimated that from about ten sex workers in the city in 1986 the figure grew to 1,000 by 1996 (Abeysekera 2005b: 284–85).

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